Neil Davenport has reviewed the book on Spiked Online. Read it here. He writes: "Mason is a graceful and evocative writer and he manages to bring to life the exhilaration and turbulence, the triumphs and despair of working-class struggle over a 150-year period. But, while it is particularly enjoyable to read accounts of the once-mighty German workers’ movement in the 1920s, it’s difficult to share Mason’s belief that a new international workers’ movement is being born. "
There follows an essay on the book which I will sum up here for those who don't have time to read Spiked Online:
1) The working class "has no political existence" since the collapse of Stalinism, and the new workforce of the world is not really a "working class" because it does not have a conscious understanding of its own historic role.
2) "Mason’s brand of ‘internationalism’ in Live Working or Die Fighting might seem radical and outward-looking, but it actually means he doesn’t have to bother challenging controversial issues in the UK - whether it is health panics, free speech bans, restrictions on liberties or even Celebrity Big Brother."
3) The post-Seattle anti-globalisation movement is "a force for reaction, not progress". Since it is anti-growth and anti-productivist. Ditto environmentalism.
Then the reviewer discovers a chapter in the book I did not write, namely a part which urges NGOs to do something about China, and which seems to decry China's breakneck economic growth. I was puzzled by this until I realised it was a necessary construction to support the author's main point:
4) "To suggest that NGOs should have a greater role in China’s internal affairs is to call for that nation to be chained to Western control once more. In this context, then, we should be wary of outraged reports about the exploitation of the Chinese working class. ...we should recognise that such reports about exploited Chinese workers are now used as a weapon against development in China, and thus against the people of China themselves."
5) "As for identifying yourself today as ‘working-class’, or liberal commentators making low wages and poor working conditions a big issue, these rehearsed totems of the left are part of the culture of complaint against modernity and modern life."
This is a very interesting world view and one I recognise from early Manchester liberalism, which also thought complaints about the working conditions in Lancashire factories were "anti-modern" and stood in the way of national progress.
I recommend this essay as a very complete 180 antidote for those who have been swept away by the romantic optimism and workerism of Live Working or Die Fighting.